Agrarian Bourgeoisie Wins the First Round Against the Industrial-Financial Big Bourgeoisie in the Farm Laws Dispute: The Implications for the Working Class
Abhinav
The rich kulaks and farmers, that is, the agricultural bourgeoisie of Punjab, Haryana and Western UP have won the first round of battle from the big indusrial-financial bourgeoisie of India, at least for now. What are the reasons behind this step of Modi government? Let us see.
Yesterday, Satyapal Malik, governor of Meghalaya, had conveyed through media to the Modi government that the BJP is going to lose big time in Western UP in the coming legislative assembly elections in UP. Similar reports have been received by the BJP leadership from the grass-root machinery of RSS. Given the not-so-good situation of the BJP government on the front of employment, food security and poverty in Eastern UP and in UP in general as well, the throne of UP could slip out of the hands of BJP. This would jeopardize BJP’s chances in the Lok Sabha elections of 2024 as well. The consideration of reconsolidation of Jat vote bank was necessary for the BJP to ensure its winning chances in UP. Therefore, the Modi government decided to repeal the three farm laws due to the immediate political exigencies. This only means that at least immediately the agricultural bourgeoisie has succeeded in forcing the Modi government to make a retreat on the farm laws.
It is noteworthy that soon after the announcement to repeal farm laws was made a BJP leader Mr. Jatav told the NDTV that after some time, some other version of the laws will be brought back and till then “all the farmers” will be convinced! Modi too said that since his government could not convince “a minor section of farmers”, it is repealing the farm laws! These are clear indications of the intent of the Modi government. The big industrial-financial capital wants the MSP system dismantled and sooner or later, the Modi government will try again to do the same in this or that way.
As is clear, the immediate political needs (UP legislative assembly elections in 2022 and the Lok Sabha elections in 2024) have obliged the Modi government to backtrack on the farm laws. It is noteworthy that this time the area of Braj and Western UP are under the direct supervision of Amit Shah for booth-management. The BJP leadership does not want to gamble in Western UP precisely for this reason. The possibility of mobilizing non-Jat votes is not possible in Western UP, as it was in Haryana. The reason is a sizeable Muslim population, which the BJP cannot win over possibly and the Jat-Muslim contradiction cannot be made good of by the BJP if it loses ground in the Jat vote bank. Thus, ignoring the Jat vote bank is not an option for them in Western UP, unlike Haryana. Jats constitute almost 17 percent of votes in Western UP. Muslim population is more than 25 percent in this area. Recently, Jat and Gurjar community were appeased by the BJP by honoring their leaders. A university in Aligarh was named after a Jat king! These steps have been taken by the BJP along with the repeal of the farm laws precisely to cement the cracks in its recently-formed base among Jats. And it is this task that was the principal contradiction behind this latest development. In other words, the Western UP holds the key to ensure BJP’s victory in UP elections and the victory in the UP elections holds the key for BJP’s victory in the Lok Sabha elections. Now Tikait brothers too might be induced to support the BJP and even campaign for the BJP. For this, the BJP might try to fan the communal tensions between the Jats and Muslims once again in the Western UP before the UP assembly elections, or offer some other lucrative option to the Tikait brothers.
Therefore, the first consideration evidently has been the Western UP for the BJP and risking the chances of winning the UP elections in 2022, which might derail the electoral machinery of the BJP in the Lok Sabha elections of 2024 as well. However, this is not the only consideration.
The other consideration is Punjab. Here the BJP had become an outcaste after introducing the farm laws and farmers’ protest, which in itself, was not a big concern for the BJP. However, along with the possible debacle in the UP elections, this could mean more damage for the BJP. Due to the repeal of the three farm laws, the equations might change in Punjab. The key link for the BJP in Punjab is Capt. Amrinder Singh, who congratulated the Modi government in an immediate tweet, profusely! Amrinder Singh has been making statements that he is the one who has been persuading the BJP government to repeal the laws. Now, Amrinder Singh can become an ally of the BJP, openly or behind the doors, as BJP will no more be an outcaste. The closed doors for the BJP will open a bit in Punjab with the help of friends like Amrinder Singh. Modi using the rhetoric from Sikh scriptures on his address on the occasion of Gurpurab to appease the Sikh sentiments, which have doubtlessly played a role in the farmers’ protests, only confirm this dynamic.
In short, in the internal class contradictions of the two factions of the ruling bloc, namely, the big industrial-financial bourgeoisie and the agrarian bourgeoisie of the main agricultural producer regions, the latter has emerged victorious, at least for now, in the first round. The immediate political needs of the ruling party have been the cause of this decision. This will leave the sharing of appropriated surplus value in the agricultural sector in the favour of the agricultural bourgeoisie for now and therefore certainly benefit them; whereas, the industrial-financial bourgeoisie will have to content itself with waiting for another opportune moment to begin the dismantling of the system of MSP, that is, a monopoly price ensuring a monopoly rent to the rich capitalist farmers and kulaks, which leads to upward pressure on wages and therefore threatens the already dismal profitability. The repeal of the farm laws is a reminder of the Leninist dictum that politics determines!
The fate of almost 10 crore of the small and marginal peasantry and the 15 crore of agricultural proletariat are not going to be any different with the repeal of the farm laws. It was not going to be any different with the implementation of the farm laws as well, except the change that the loot and plunder of their labour will then would have been shared between the industrial-financial big bourgeoisie, in principal, and, secondarily, the rich kulaks and farmers and the regime of MSP would have come to an end.
The task of the working class and the poor peasantry is to oppose the big financial-industrial bourgeoisie as well as the rich kulaks and capitalist farmers, both of whom are striving to win a greater share in the appropriated surplus value in the agricultural sector. The system of MSP is indeed an anti-people system as it is also a deductions from the wages of entire working population, because the upward pressure caused by the MSP on the wages are not always translated into higher wages. The fact that industrial-financial big bourgeoisie is opposed to the MSP for its own reasons, is no reason for the working class and poor peasants to support the system of MSP, which is monopoly rent ensuring surplus profit to the agricultural bourgeoisie at the cost of the working population of India as well as at the cost of entrepreneurial profit of the industrial bourgeoisie. The working class must maintain its politically-independent position of opposing of opposing the industrial-financial big bourgeoisie without siding with the comparatively smaller agrarian bourgeoisie, but by opposing both these factions involved in a tussle for greater share in the appropriated surplus value, generated by the exploitation of the working class, with its own charter of demands, with its own independent politics and with its own ideology. That is the task that faces the working class and working masses of India.
